The Socialist Industrial State by Kevin P. Lane David Lane

Author:Kevin P. Lane, David Lane [Kevin P. Lane, David Lane]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: History, General
ISBN: 9781000312034
Google: wU2fDwAAQBAJ
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2019-06-26T03:02:55+00:00

Dissent and Soviet Society

While the data at our disposal on dissent are not by any means complete, we are able to come to a number of general conclusions. First, the demands of the various dissidents must be seen as being composed of separate and specific objections to various arrangements of the Soviet order. As a whole, they cannot be considered as providing a profound theoretical critique of, or viable practical alternative to, Soviet communism. The evidence would not appear to support Katz's view that 'the dissent movement is a powerful catalyst for change in the USSR' (1971: 29). But it is likely to secure limited rights for certain groups (such as the Tartars, or Baptists) and important changes in procedures (say in organisation of the press or the Courts) rather than result in any major change as required for a revolt or revolution. It is in no way comparable to the Bolshevik movement in Russia before 1917 (see Katz, 28-9). Rather than being 'a movement', dissent is nucleated: it ranges from criticisms of large-scale industrialism (Solzhenitsyn) to demands for proper observance of Soviet laws (petitions on trials of writers). Most of the claims could be met within the framework of Soviet society: and Solzhenitsyn has addressed his appeals to the leaders of the Soviet state. The second general point that may be made is that dissent is voiced by the intelligentsia - particularly by the upper professional groups. There would appear to be very little, if any, general support by the masses either workers or peasants - for the proposals here considered. As Bauman has expressed it: there has been no 'holy alliance of the intellectuals, who think, and the masses, who feel and suffer' (1971: 49). Thirdly, the forms of manifest political dissent studied must be considered as relatively small and exclusive movements. The large masses of the population remain untouched by it and reject its values. Allegiance to the values of Marxism-Leninism and to the Communist Party has grown. Religious dissent must be seen in the light of the decline of religion and the general secularisation of life, as in other industrialised countries.

There can be no doubt from the various sources cited above that the political authorities repress in various ways movements which are opposed to the arrangements of state socialism or to its ideology. Why does this repression and control take place? The various theories of class or elite dominance which were discussed above all have in common an explanation which regards repression as originating from the preservation of the interests of the ruling class or elite. If, as I have argued, such theories are mistaken in application to the structure of power of state-socialist society, what alternatives have we to put in their place? It has been argued above that state-socialist societies are primarily mobilisation and development regimes. To understand the actions of the political authorities in their suppression of deviance, Durkheim's analysis of social structure appears useful.

Durkheim pointed out that societies undergoing industrialisation faced the

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